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But a majority of small OBC dry-land farmers, the late-coming aspirants, are being excluded from horticulture due to the ruinous cost of groundwater. Since —04 agricultural growth has recovered to pre levels, but research suggests that small and marginal farmers cultivating under rain-fed conditions continue to deal with low and stagnant incomes e.

They see the adoption of horticulture as a response to a diversification in food consumption both nationally and internationally, which is catered to by private capital-led supply chains e. While there is little doubt that agricultural productivity needs substantial improvement in India, the neoliberal orthodoxy naturalizes the fact that the decline in value of many conventional crops occurs on account of the particular farm policies adopted since Alagh — The substitution of conventional food and cash crops for horticulture represents the reformist fetish for export-oriented agriculture in the global south.

But this fetish facilitates greater capitalization of small-scale production through input and output markets that are increasingly controlled by international agro-businesses e. I describe how horticulture shapes and is itself shaped by the historically configured intersectionality of class, caste, and gender, interacting with a semi-arid ecological setting. Thus, in the local complex of caste, the dominant middle -caste Reddy s and a few Kuruba farmers an Other Backward Caste [OBC] that is prominent locally appear to have maintained their economic advantages, while most small OBC dry-land farmers, the late-coming aspirants, face steeper gradients of adversity in horticulture.

My empirical data comes from ethnographic work conducted between January March , and from multiple short trips afterwards. This rainfall is marked by significant annual, intra-seasonal and regional variations as well. Between and , on average, almost every third year was a rain-scarce year when precipitation fell 10 to 46 per cent below the statistical average. Even a statistically normal rainfall year shows moisture variations during mid-June to mid-August, significantly affecting sowing activities and yields of the kharif monsoon crop.

Additionally, the regional gradient of rainfall is such that the central hilly uplands of Anantapur, which is where NRP village is located, receive only — mm annually. The rivers that drain the district, including Pennar, are rain-fed, with highly variable water levels in their upland courses. The local topography and water-scarcity may have been the chief obstacles in developing canal irrigation in the district Alaev ; Whitecomb , As late as —13 the net area under canal irrigation in Anantapur was a mere 15 per cent of the net irrigated area in the district.

In comparison, the district has long had an extensive network of water tanks courtesy of the Vijayanagar rulers: Francis cites a revenue settlement of s that estimated the number of large tanks in the district to be around p. This neglect of the tank system has been attributed to growing human intervention in local watersheds and silting, but it also seems that the rise of wells as a major source of private irrigation, which was promoted by the colonial state throughout the dry Deccan from late 19 th Century, gave rise to this neglect Whitecomb The district is situated in a geological zone comprising largely un-fractured granite formations Karanth —24 , which have low primary porosity and slow recharge, and the presence of aquifers amongst them is restricted within small fractured zones.

At the outset of my research in , out of 45 shallow wells that existed in the village with depths reaching up to 50 feet, 28 had either gone completely dry for years or remained dry all year except in the Monsoon period. Likewise, in most local farmers agreed that the stable aquifers for bore-wells could be accessed around 90— feet below ground level bgl , but by —15 the attempts for groundwater—including those for drinking purposes—were reaching aquifers feet bgl.

Shallow red soils and scrublands around hills are characteristic of much of Ananatapur barring the Northern lowlands. Up until the mid th century much of the marginal tracts of Rayalaseema remained sparsely occupied, and according to Dharma Kumar they were available for cultivation on the payment of land revenue under the Ryotwari settlement although the revenue now being asked for was extremely high pp.

Reddy landlords, and possibly smaller Reddy proprietors too, cultivated their farms by employing the local landless Dalit castes of the Malas traditionally weavers and Madigas traditionally leatherworkers [Kumar , 61]. Thus, as Dharma Kumar and David Washbrook both emphasize, by the s, the basic outlines of an emerging agrarian social structure were visible in the interior Deccan; a Reddy gentry was forming at the core of this structure, with a layer of smaller proprietors and tenants raiyats who cultivated their dry lands and gardens with labor from the Malas and Madigas.

However, these scholars underline that the agrarian caste hierarchies and identities in Rayalaseema were milder than those developed in tropical South India, and that they have remained so throughout the 20th century Kumar —47; Washbrook — Washbrook ; also argues that many attached Malas and Madiga laborers compulsively took pattas to move into cash cropping as their employers—the Reddy landlords—began laying them off to benefit from soaring grain prices in this period.

But a more important point is that they used their economic clout to consolidate local power, notably through the office of the village headman Reddy. It was a position they had historically held but now it was also the central institution of bureaucratic powers and privileges including that of petty policing, arbitrage, and revenue administration Washbrook [] — A new logic of rural politics, governance and culture thus emerged in the region circa in which resourceful rural landlords competed to expand their local control by cultivating dependents and subordinating rivals in a number of ways, including organized violence Washbrook Although the failure of monsoons often triggered these famines, as happened in the —78 catastrophe, historical evidence suggests that the post famines in Rayalseema broadly coincided with the expansion of commercial crops in place of millets, which were now being traded robustly—often in speculation—in the growing internal grain markets in the country.

Two general points emerge from this review of historical literature: 1 from being a hub in the south Indian textile production and exchange network in early 18 th century, Anantapur had become one of the most agriculture-dependent spaces in South India by mid th century Ludden , ; 2 class and caste differentiations intensified in the local society during this period, with a small gentry predominantly Reddy s growing in its economic and administrative clout over other villagers occupying various class and caste positions in the local hierarchy.

At the same time, both in NRP and in the district as a whole the pronounced trend concerning landholdings has been the miniaturization of plots. In an average dry-land unit in the village was 6. Only Miniaturization has surely muted the relative inequalities of landholding but it has not eliminated them. An average Reddy landholding is about four times the size of a Madiga now a Scheduled Caste landholding, and more than twice that of a Kuruba now a Backward Caste. In contrast, only 7 Madiga households out of 56 households Households with wells, on the other hand, have conventionally double-cropped groundnut in upland thota , and paddy in lowland garden lands.

Groundnut requires low levels of moisture — mm , and manual labor, particularly family labor, can be used for weeding and harvesting, making the crop so popular as to have almost replaced dry millets in the district. NRP provides good evidence of this crisis. Although all classes of farmers managed to make profit in —06, the profit margins were so slim for the marginal and small farmers predominantly the Kuruba s and Madigas that even a slight fall of 10—20 per cent in output could have wiped them out.

Kharif outputs have been increasingly plagued by weather and disease-induced variability while outlays on commercial inputs have risen in the last decades as the state has steadily withdrawn input subsidies along with reducing investments in research and extension services Ghose If groundnut output prices do not continuously rise or if farmers do not switch to thota cultivation, it will be difficult to derive a good return from the crop.

However, here as well, with post-trade liberalization, groundnut output prices have been dampened by an import-dominant edible-oil market. The crop grows well in shallow soils and it takes five years to yield the first harvest, during which period investments on inorganic inputs are relatively small, and farmers often intercrop it with groundnut for the first three years to minimize their waiting-period income losses. Based on my rough estimates of crop-yield as reported by the local farmers, at —17 prices per acre, annual gross returns from Batavia worked out to be around Rs.

It is not surprising therefore that from just hectares in —, the acreage devoted to the crop rose to 1, hectares in the mandal the revenue and administrative unit of which NRP is a constituent by —11, and by the same year Anantapur had emerged as the second largest grower of Batavia in AP in terms of area.

In NRP 78 per cent of thota -owning households had Batavia orchards at different stages of growth by — However, the crop requires a secured and gradually increasing amount of moisture as its canopy grows from the fifth year onwards through the fruit-bearing span of about 15 years of the crop. Despite being known to be remunerative, Batavia cultivation had therefore been restricted to the groundwater rich mandals of the district Satyanarayana With bore-wells revolutionizing groundwater extraction in the district, and with subsidized micro-irrigation technology automating and rationalizing irrigation, Batavia is now a high-risk but high-profit venture for local farmers.

It is since that the largest number of dry-land owning small landholders from Kuruba and Ekila castes have been making attempts at sinking bore-wells to turn to horticulture.

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A sign of the socially differentiated movement lies in the timeline of the first successful bore-well drilling attempt, which is a proxy for horticulture, amongst a random sample of 31 farming households that I studied in —06; out of the 20 peasants 65 per cent who had made an attempt at sinking bore-wells, 5 had made their first attempt between —90, another 5 between and , but the remaining 10 had done so since Amongst the 11 households that had not yet attempted a bore-well, all except one were the Madiga smallholders. In other words, many pioneers have made subsequent attempts at rigging bore-wells to consolidate their access to groundwater, in order to expand the scale of their horticulture, whereas many former well-owners have lost out on access to groundwater completely.

It is amongst the Kuruba s, demographically the largest backward caste in the village and in the mandal , that most households have lost access to groundwater in the last decade, making intra-caste and intra-kin differentiation sharper now. Lastly, it is the middle and large landholders amongst the Reddy s and Kuruba s who have benefitted from this double restructuring. But such a perspective on diversification disregards the impact of historically shaped social structures on current ecological and social costs of private investment in irrigation in dry-land areas.

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In when groundwater level was still relatively high in the village and the cost of drilling low, each bore-well drilling attempt up to feet bgl cost Rs. Even in the relatively favorable hydrological conditions of , the small farmers in the studied sample had made 3—4 attempts per household on an average in the preceding five years costing altogether approximately Rs. Because most smallholders from the OBC Kuruba s and Ekila castes have financed such expenditures through credit sourced informally, often from pioneering thota owners, they have been forced to take out more credit after facing failed attempts, make more desperate attempts, and have slipped into greater indebtedness relative to their marginal scale of production.

But Polanyi entangles this historical dimension of embeddedness with another dimension, which is that market processes possess autonomous meanings e. This embeddedness for me lies in the way in which the local class and caste structures, and emerging cultural dispositions that interpret these structures, reshape the wider process of horticultural restructuring and recreate a local field of practices.

First, I follow M. Srinivas in suggesting that certain cultural norms undercut specific caste and class hierarchies in rural India just as others inhere in them. Put differently, this qualification brings us close to analytical discussions on hegemonic cultural ideals and mimetic or subversive practices relating to gender and caste-class structures e. In the remainder of this paper, I focus on one aspect of the local gender-caste system, namely the relationship amongst middle and small OBC Kuruba and Ekila men as represented symbolically, within one arena of everyday gender practice—i.

The other axes of gender structure, namely men-women relationships, and other arenas of everyday practices, such as consumption, are undeniably constitutive of this system but the demands of brevity constrain me to focus on this one aspect of the complex. Ramesh asked if Ujinappa had used pesticides. This disposition of aggression, or avesham , Ramesh identified himself with is substitutable with another term, roshamu.

Women are said to lack this faculty. Thus, these concepts suggest that the distinctions of autonomy i. An implication is that the emphasis on intensity of input consumption has nearly marginalized those self-presentations in which NRP farmers, like farmers elsewhere in India e. They suggest that contemporary processes of production are but processes of consumption, defying conceptual attempts that draw too fine a line between the two in understanding contemporary capitalism e.

Comaroff and Comaroff Significantly, masculine attributions through input-consumption are often articulated through a well-established cultural idiom, which is also a specific dimension of aggression, called tiagam. While retaining this familial aspect, tiagam increasingly refers to the general project of becoming a horticulturist by stubbornly looking for groundwater—arguably the most important commodity now.

I describe the case of Subramaniyam 30 years; a small Kuruba farmer to illustrate this new metonymy of masculinity and ownership of groundwater as it emerged in a conversation with his friend:. V respondent : He sank the first bore-well in , but failed to find water. Same day, same time, he had the second attempt. But again no water. That day itself he thought that he would do this i.

Indian Communities in Southeast Asia (First Reprint 2006)

V: For three days, he disappeared from the village, went somewhere else. He said: I must live amongst four people, live with thota. He was an aggressive person full tension manishi. In , he sank another bore well, feet deep. It failed. Some fifteen days later, he tried another one, up to feet; two-inch water was found. He planted plants there. But within one year, water began decreasing. Since he thought plants would die now, he sank another bore in At feet, he found two and half inch water.

With two bore-wells, he earned Rs 40, in And he planted another plants. On February 1 st , he called the drilling machine. They drilled up to feet, unsuccessfully. He could not even pay them their charges, Rs. Yesterday he went to the town alone. He did not even have the bus fare on him, took Rs. He called the drilling team without informing anyone in family.

They tried first at one point but could not find anything. He went out in the dark and drank poison. Showing tiagam through risk-taking in horticulture complicates any neat distinctions between performing masculinity successfully and failing at it. To show how meaningful the term poti is locally, let me briefly allude to the events around the sale of the harvested Batavia in mid Adanna 45 years , a middle class Kuruba horticulturist with an 8-acre thota with 1, plants, had sold his summer harvest of 80 tons for Rs.

Barely two months later, Satyamaiah, a Boya horticulturist with a 3-acre grape thota with plants, sold his harvest of 30 tons of grapes for Rs. But poti of a particularized form—a sort of duel—is also possible when men of roughly equal capitals such as kinsmen compete with pre-mediated strategies to beat one another. The villagers avidly remember a duel between two married brothers from the Tupakula family, who competed against one another in the s to acquire lands in the village, produce greater groundnut yields, and increase their influence over the laboring men of other castes.

In keeping with the analysis of rivalries that has been offered in the anthropology of the family, such as that of Pocock and Parry , this instance had its origin in the contradiction of role-related performances amongst married men as brothers and fathers. What seems to be novel about particularized poti in our context is that 1 it is the upwardly mobile bore-well owning horticulturists from the OBC castes who increasingly engage in duels at smaller scales, and 2 horticultural activities have been incorporated as sites for such duels.

Chalapathi and G. Shivaiah, challenged one another in the village bazaar to obtain higher yields of chili in their orchards. Following this challenge, they often announced the usage of fertilizer and chemicals in their fields in the bazaar. Shivaiah claimed, and was acknowledged by others, to have won the challenge at the end of the crop season. Although it involved groundnut, another duel in exhibited similar incorporation:. It was a record. Ramesh got into competition with him mentally. In the next Rabi i. Ramesh publicly claimed he got better yield than Muniswami. Do it in 4 acres and see.

Given the importance of credit, water, and chemicals as key inputs, creating and maintaining a social network around them has become crucial. A detailed account of the structure of albatlu is not possible here. Of course, maintaining such networks also requires higher pecuniary capacity for spending on social outings, alcohol, and cigarettes.

Gooptu ; Rose But my ethnographic evidence also underscores the fact that the local idioms of masculinity have incorporated conventional notions of achievement-oriented individuality, as Mines argued quite some time ago i.


I have presented evidence of restructuring in this elite class over the last two decades: while backward-caste Ekilas have become successful horticulturists in the village, the numerically predominant Kuruba s have experienced growing income inequality on the basis of changing access to groundwater.

Small Kuruba landholders face ruinous social costs of groundwater exploitation in the form of a high failure rate at bore-well attempts. These trends give us grounds to doubt whether the policy of pushing horticulture as a general rural development strategy on the basis of private investment in groundwater is socially and ecologically sound. The second major conclusion the paper advances concerns the economy-culture connections.

I have suggested that many locally backward-caste smallholders employ the locally exalted norms and practices of masculinities within horticulture, such as showing and applauding aggression in input usages, taking risks, and waging competition with their rivals within and across castes. Akram-Lodhi, Haroon A. Alaev, Leonid Borisovich.

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Kumar and I. New Delhi: Orient Black Swan. Alagh, Yoginder K. Hanumantha Rao , edited by R. Radhakrishna, S. Rao, and S. Mahendra Dev. New Delhi: Academic Foundation. Arnold, David. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Banaji, Jairus. Bhalla, G. Hanumantha Rao, edited by R. Bourdieu, Pierre. All Muslims in the Malay or Indonesian village want to be prayed for, and to receive Allah 's blessings in the afterlife. In Sarawak and East Kalimantan , some villages are called 'long', primarily inhabited by the Orang Ulu. Malaysian kampung are found in Singapore, but there are few kampung villages remaining, mostly on islands surrounding Singapore, such as Pulau Ubin.

In the past, there were many kampung villages in Singapore but development and urbanization have replaced them. The term "kampung", sometimes spelled "kampong", is one of many Malay words to have entered common usage in Malaysia and Singapore. Locally, the term is frequently used to refer to either one's hometown or a rural village, depending on context. In urban areas of the Philippines , the term "village" most commonly refers to private subdivisions, especially gated communities. These villages emerged in the midth century and were initially the domain of elite urban dwellers.

Those are common in major cities in the country and their residents have a wide range of income levels. Such villages may or may not correspond to a barangay the country's basic unit of government, also glossed as village , or be privately administered. Barangays correspond more to precolonial villages; the chairman formerly the village datu now settles administrative, intrapersonal, and political matters or polices the area though with much less authority and respect than in Indonesia or Malaysia.

Vietnam's village is the typical symbol [ citation needed ] of Asian agricultural production. All the people in Vietnam's villages usually have a blood relationship. They are farmers who grow rice and have the same traditional handicraft. It is common for Vietnamese villagers to prefer to be buried in their village upon death.

In Slovenia , the word selo is used for very small villages fewer than people and in dialects; the Slovene word vas is used all over Slovenia. In Russia , the word ves is archaic, but remains in idioms and locality names, such as Vesyegonsk. In Bulgaria , the different types of sela vary from a small selo of 5 to 30 families to one of several thousand people.

According to a census, in that year there were 2,, Bulgarian citizens living in settlements classified as villages. In Bulgaria, it is becoming popular to visit villages for the atmosphere, culture, crafts, hospitality of the people and the surrounding nature. In Russia, as of the Census , The lowest administrative unit of the Russian Empire , a volost , or its Soviet or modern Russian successor, a selsoviet , was typically headquartered in a selo and embraced a few neighboring villages.

In the s—s, the depopulation of the smaller villages was driven by the central planners' drive in order to get the farm workers out of smaller, "prospect-less" hamlets and into the collective or state farms ' main villages or even larger towns and city , with more amenities. Most Russian rural residents are involved in agricultural work, and it is very common for villagers to produce their own food.

As prosperous urbanites purchase village houses for their second homes, Russian villages sometimes are transformed into dacha settlements, used mostly for seasonal residence. The historically Cossack regions of Southern Russia and parts of Ukraine , with their fertile soil and absence of serfdom , had a rather different pattern of settlement from central and northern Russia. While peasants of central Russia lived in a village around the lord's manor, a Cossack family often lived on its own farm, called khutor.

Such stanitsas often with a few thousand residents, were usually larger than a typical selo in central Russia. Villages may have an individual administration silrada or a joint administration, combining two or more villages. Villages may also be under the jurisdiction of a city council miskrada or town council selyshchna rada administration. This type of community is generally referred to in English as a "settlement". In comparison with an urban-type settlement , Ukrainian legislation does not have a concrete definition or a criterion to differentiate such settlements from villages.


They represent a type of a small rural locality that might have once been a khutir , a fisherman's settlement, or a dacha. They are administered by a silrada council located in a nearby adjacent village. Sometimes, the term "selysche" is also used in a more general way to refer to adjacent settlements near a bigger city including urban-type settlements selysche miskoho typu or villages.

However, ambiguity is often avoided in connection with urbanized settlements by referring to them using the three-letter abbreviation smt instead. Khutirs were very small rural localities consisting of just few housing units and were sort of individual farms. They became really popular during the Stolypin reform in the early 20th century. During the collectivization, however, residents of such settlements were usually declared to be kulaks and had all their property confiscated and distributed to others nationalized without any compensation.

The stanitsa likewise has not survived as an administrative term. The stanitsa was a type of a collective community that could include one or more settlements such as villages, khutirs , and others. Today, stanitsa -type formations have only survived in Kuban Russian Federation where Ukrainians were resettled during the time of the Russian Empire. A commune is considered as a village if it is not part of a ville urban unit. For the Insee , an urban unit has more than inhabitants living in buildings less than metres from each others.

In Italy, villages are spread throughout the country. No legal definition of village exists in Italian law; nonetheless, a settlement inhabited by less than people is usually described as "village". More often, Italian villages that are a part of a municipality are called frazione , whereas the village that hosts the municipal seat is called paese town or capoluogo. In Spain , a village pueblo or aldea refers to a small population unit, smaller than a town villa and a city ciudad , typically located in a rural environment.

While commonly it is the smallest administrative unit municipio , it is possible for a village to be legally composed of smaller population units in its territory. There is not a clear-cut distinction between villages, towns and cities in Spain, since they had been traditionally categorized according to their religious importance and their relationship with surrounding population units. Villages are more usual in the northern and central regions , Azores Islands and in the Alentejo.

Most of them have a church and a "Casa do Povo" people's house , where the village's summer romarias or religious festivities are usually held. Summer is also when many villages are host to a range of folk festivals and fairs, taking advantage of the fact that many of the locals who reside abroad tend to come back to their native village for the holidays. In the flood-prone districts of the Netherlands , particularly in the northern provinces of Friesland and Groningen, villages were traditionally built on low man-made hills called terpen before the introduction of regional dyke-systems.

In modern days, the term dorp lit. A village in the UK is a compact settlement of houses, smaller in size than a town, and generally based on agriculture or, in some areas, mining such as Ouston, County Durham , quarrying or sea fishing. They are very similar to those in Ireland. The major factors in the type of settlement are: location of water sources, organisation of agriculture and landholding, and likelihood of flooding.

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  • For example, in areas such as the Lincolnshire Wolds , the villages are often found along the spring line halfway down the hillsides, and originate as spring line settlements , with the original open field systems around the village. In northern Scotland , most villages are planned to a grid pattern located on or close to major roads, whereas in areas such as the Forest of Arden , woodland clearances produced small hamlets around village greens. Some villages have disappeared for example, deserted medieval villages , sometimes leaving behind a church or manor house and sometimes nothing but bumps in the fields.

    Some show archaeological evidence of settlement at three or four different layers, each distinct from the previous one. Clearances may have been to accommodate sheep or game estates, or enclosure , or may have resulted from depopulation, such as after the Black Death or following a move of the inhabitants to more prosperous districts.

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    Other villages have grown and merged and often form hubs within the general mass of suburbia—such as Hampstead, London and Didsbury in Manchester. Many villages are now predominantly dormitory locations and have suffered the loss of shops, churches and other facilities. For many British people, the village represents an ideal of Great Britain. Seen as being far from the bustle of modern life, it is represented as quiet and harmonious, if a little inward-looking. This concept of an unspoilt Arcadia is present in many popular representations of the village such as the radio serial The Archers or the best kept village competitions.

    These such as Murton, County Durham grew from hamlets when the sinking of a colliery in the early 20th century resulted in a rapid growth in their population and the colliery owners built new housing, shops, pubs and churches. Some pit villages outgrew nearby towns by area and population; for example, Rossington in South Yorkshire came to have over four times more people than the nearby town of Bawtry. Some pit villages grew to become towns ; for example, Maltby in South Yorkshire grew from people in the 19th century [24] to over 17, in In the UK, the main historical distinction between a hamlet and a village was that the latter had a church , [1] and so usually was the centre of worship for an ecclesiastical parish.

    However, some civil parishes may contain more than one village. The typical village had a pub or inn, shops, and a blacksmith. But many of these facilities are now gone, and many villages are dormitories for commuters. The population of such settlements ranges from a few hundred people to around five thousand.

    A village is distinguished from a town in that:. Like France, villages in Lebanon are usually located in remote mountainous areas. The majority of villages in Lebanon retain their Aramaic names or are derivative of the Aramaic names, and this is because Aramaic was still in use in Mount Lebanon up to the 18th century.

    Dinniyeh has an excellent ecological environment filled with woodlands, orchards and groves. Several villages are located in this mountainous area, the largest town being Sir Al Dinniyeh. An example of a typical mountainous Lebanese village in Dannieh would be Hakel al Azimah which is a small village that belongs to the district of Danniyeh, situated between Bakhoun and Assoun's boundaries.

    It is in the centre of the valleys that lie between the Arbeen Mountains and the Khanzouh. Syria contains a large number of villages that vary in size and importance, including the ancient, historical and religious villages, such as Ma'loula , Sednaya , and Brad Mar Maroun's time. The diversity of the Syrian environments creates significant differences between the Syrian villages in terms of the economic activity and the method of adoption. Villages in the south of Syria Hauran , Jabal al-Druze , the north-east the Syrian island and the Orontes River basin depend mostly on agriculture, mainly grain, vegetables, and fruits.

    Villages in the region of Damascus and Aleppo depend on trading. Some other villages, such as Marmarita depend heavily on tourist activity. Mediterranean cities in Syria , such as Tartus and Latakia have similar types of villages. Mainly, villages were built in very good sites which had the fundamentals of the rural life, like water. An example of a Mediterranean Syrian village in Tartus would be al-Annazah , which is a small village that belongs to the area of al-Sauda.

    The area of al-Sauda is called a nahiya , which is a subdistrict. Pacific Islands Communities on Pacific islands were historically called villages by English speakers who traveled and settled in the area. Some communities such as several Villages of Guam continue to be called villages despite having large populations that can exceed 40, residents.

    Tree-fern logs and flax were the main building materials. As in Australia see below the term is now used mainly in respect of shopping or other planned areas. Australia The term village often is used in reference to small planned communities such as retirement communities or shopping districts, and tourist areas such as ski resorts. Small rural communities are usually known as townships. Larger settlements are known as towns. Argentina Usually set in remote mountainous areas, some also cater to winter sports or tourism.

    In contrast to the Old World, the concept of village in today's North America north of Mexico is largely disconnected from its rural and communal origins. The situation is different in Mexico because of its large bulk of indigenous population living in traditional villages. In twenty [31] U. However, this is a generality; in many states, there are villages that are an order of magnitude larger than the smallest cities in the state.

    The distinction is not necessarily based on population, but on the relative powers granted to the different types of municipalities and correspondingly, different obligations to provide specific services to residents. In some states such as New York and Michigan, a village is usually an incorporated municipality, within a single town or civil township. In some cases, the village may be coterminous with the town or township, in which case the two may have a consolidated government. There are also villages that span the boundaries of more than one town or township; some villages may straddle county borders.

    There is no population limit to villages in New York. Hempstead , the largest village, has 55, residents; making it more populous than some of the state's cities. Michigan and Illinois also have no set population limit for villages and there are many villages that are larger than cities in those states. The village of Arlington Heights, Illinois had 75, residents as of the census.

    In Michigan , a village is always legally part of a township. Villages can incorporate land in multiple townships and even multiple counties. The largest village in the state is Beverly Hills in Southfield Township which had a population of 10, as of the census. In the state of Wisconsin , a village is always legally separate from the towns that it has been incorporated from. The largest village is Menomonee Falls , which has over 32, residents. In Ohio villages are often legally part of the township from which they were incorporated, although exceptions such as Hiram exist, in which the village is separate from the township.

    In Maryland , a locality designated "Village of In North Carolina , the only difference between cities, towns, and villages is the term itself. In many states, the term "village" is used to refer to a relatively small unincorporated community , similar to a hamlet in New York state. This informal usage may be found even in states that have villages as an incorporated municipality, although such usage might be considered incorrect and confusing. Villages in Nigeria vary significantly because of cultural and geographical differences.

    At that time Traditional rulers used to have absolute power in their administrative regions. After Dan Fodio's Jihad in , [36] political structure of the North became Islamic where emirs were the political, administrative and spiritual leaders of their people.

    These emirs appointed a number of people to assist them in running the administration and that included villages. Every Hausa village was reigned by Magaji Village head who was answerable to his Hakimi mayor at the town level. The Magaji also had his cabinet who assisted him in ruling his village efficiently, among whom was Mai-Unguwa Ward Head. With the creation of Native Authority in Nigerian provinces, the autocratic power of village heads along with all other traditional rulers was subdued hence they ruled 'under the guidance of colonial officials'. Even though the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has not recognised the functions of traditional rulers, they still command respect in their villages [39] and political office holders liaise with them almost every time to reach people.